I have been in the party since I was eighteen, and the purpose of my life has always been to fight for the interests of the working class, for the victory of socialism... If, more than once, I was mistaken about the methods of building socialism, let posterity judge me no more harshly than Vladimir Illich did. We were moving toward a single goal for the first time, on a still unblazed trail. Other times, other customs. Pravda carried a discussion page, everyone argued, searched for ways and means, quarrelled and made up and moved on together. Know, comrades, that on that banner which you will be carrying in the victorious march to communism, is also my drop of blood. - Bukharin's last testament, as quoted in The Tragedy of Bukharin, Donny Gluckstein
Recently, the discovery of a Marxist Leninist forum has led me to contemplate further issues on Marxism and socialism. I cannot express how much it hurts me to know that there are people who hark towards Stalinist Soviet Union as the victory of Marxist-Leninism. In practice, Leninism is
not the same as Stalinism - I don't understand how anybody can even come to think of Stalin as being the right successor to Lenin.
In the 1920s, when the regime was at its weakest, Lenin was forced to adopt harsh measures against
counterrevolutionaries... Yet with one broad stroke, Stalinists have claimed that Marxist-Leninism is Stalinist and that there is no difference. Lenin never made it a point to rid of the Old Bolsheviks who were there at the revolution; he tolerated dissent within the party ranks. The entire premise on which Stalinist claims to be Leninist in nature begins to crumble when it comes to the
execution of the Old Bolsheviks and the Great Purge
. By the end of the Great Purges, prominent Old Bolsheviks were either in exile or dead; in Lenin's final testament, he expressed horror at the power which Stalin had accumulated in his hands, and demanded further decentralization. Stalin went in open defiance of Lenin's will by increasing party membership without decentralizing measures, thus ensuring the increased power of his bureaucracy.
The oppressiveness of Stalinism relies on its justification as to the extent to which the purges and Moscow Trials were necessary. One only needs to look at the case of Bukharin to know that Stalinist oppression is entirely unjustified: He did not breach party standards of democratic centralism, and as such, need not have been eliminated. The final charges against him leveled by Stalin and his party bureaucrats were not only preposterous; it was logistically impossible. There was no reason to murder the "right deviationists" when they neither breached party discipline nor persisted in opposition.
When it comes to revolution, one may look towards Lenin as having established an astute method. In the long run, Stalinist authoritarianism cannot prevail. Totalitarianism can halt progressive elements within a society which has traditionally been predisposed towards unquestioning obedience; such is the case with Vietnam and China, who are above all Confucianists moreso than Communists.
However, a system which solidifies and is rigid by nature will be unable to respond appropriately towards that which wishes for reform. Should reform prove impossible, then sooner or later, the dissatisfied elements of the system will seek to undermine the structure which denies the validity of their sincere efforts. To whit, authoritarianism in the case of Imperial China prevented modernization. Similarly, authoritarianism within church hierarchies, by dismissing Luther's concerns towards the sale of Indulgences and other church practices, caused the previously conciliatory Luther to radicalize. A similar analogy can be drawn towards the failure of Prague Spring: Dubcek enjoyed genuine popularity among the people as did his reform policies; the popularity of the Communist party was unprecendented. With the reversion to traditional authoritarianism and means of oppression, by 1989, the people were no longer expecting their needs to be met within socialism.
With regards to Marxism, socialist society may be better analysed in terms of Prague Spring's reformist elements in 1968. This entails building a bridge between modern, progressive elements - particularly, reconciliating with the humanist tradition. Maslow's Hierarchy of Needs is one important thesis in sociology; when basic needs are fulfilled, the individual needs, above all, social and intellectual freedom. Under capitalist society, this freedom is an inaccessible privilege as social and intellectual freedom is not easily accessible to all. By contrast, real freedom resides in the annihilation of unequal production relations, and therefore true freedom is available only under post-capitalist society.
In communist society there will be absolute freedom of the 'personality'; any kind of external regulation of relations between men will be absent, and self-activity without compulsion will therefore exist. -- Economics of the Transitional Period, Nikolai Bukharin
Stalinism violates this freedom.
However, even if the means of production is in the hands of the proletariat, there will still remain individual differences and differences between groups which are no longer formed by virtue of socio-economic status (and hence power), but by virtue of differences that are natural to individuals. People can have multiple allegiances; bearing one does not make them any less of a socialist. The revolutionary process deals with the question of
basic needs and redistributes social and economical hierarchy; yet they do not, by any means, automatically diminish the basics of ethnicity, gender, sexual preferences, etc. Oppression by virtue of these may still exist, and should rightfully be prevented, or at least regulated. The problem with bourgeoisie politics is the barrier towards political power by virtue of uneven distribution of wealth. In socialist society, political power should be radically distributed amongst all elements of society, as there is no longer an unequal distribution of wealth, and it is fundamentally the role of the post-capitalist party to recognize this.
Indeed, once the role of the party as revolutionary vanguard is over, it is necessary for it to deal with the interests of individual differences in a way that best serves everyone, guaranteeing that nobody can infringe on anybody else's rights. Under the Stalinist system, however, the party itself infringes on individual freedom towards realizing their needs as articulated by Maslow.
Contrary to popular belief and dogmatic espousal of Marxist doctrine, socialism
can have a human face. As long as the social sciences and humanities are allowed to thrive as much as hard sciences are, as long as intellectuals are allowed to pursue their freedom of thought and individuals freedom of association... These were values as espoused by the first Socialist revolution -- The French Revolution: LIBERTY, EQUALITY, FRATERNITY.
When thinking of socialism, let us not think of Stalinism: this is the best that we can do for the victims of his reign of terror.